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Crimson Tide

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BY NIALL MCPHERSON

From the Fabian ‘Wolf’ to the Communist Fist, the Left’s Long Romance with Violence

In a quiet corner of Lyon, a young man lies dead, his skull fractured by the boots of masked militants. Quentin Deranque, a nationalist student whose only crime was to stand in defence of women exercising their right to peaceful protest, has become the latest offering on the altar of left-wing fanaticism. The suspects charged with his murder are not lone wolves or aberrant criminals; they are the uniformed enforcers of La France Insoumise, men with direct ties to a far left wing parliamentary party and funded, indirectly, by the French taxpayer.

But as the French establishment begins to question its fifty-year-old assumption that the pariah of politics must always be the far right, we in Britain would do well to cast our gaze closer to home and begin rounding up the trolls of the far left for closer inspection by Prevent.

For the beast that stalked the streets of Lyon has a long pedigree on these shores. It often wears the mild-mannered guise of the Fabian, the academic Marxist, and the well-heeled Labour Party activist. And its philosophy, whether dressed in the tweed of the don, the Palestinian keffiyeh or the combat jacket of the Antifa thug, leads inexorably to the same destination: the doxxing, the intimidation, and ultimately, the grave.

The murder of Charlie Kirk, the American conservative commentator gunned down in Utah by a left-wing activist, should have been a moment of international reckoning. Here was a young man, a Christian, a husband and father, executed in cold blood for the crime of expressing his beliefs on a university campus. In London, hundreds gathered to light candles and sing hymns, hailing Kirk as a Christian martyr. They understood what the bien-pensant commentariat refused to acknowledge: that Kirk was not the victim of a deranged individual, but the latest casualty in a war declared long ago by a far left that has abandoned persuasion for proscription, and debate for demolition.

The ‘radical left’ that Donald Trump rightly blamed for Kirk’s death did not spring fully formed from the ether. Its shameful intellectual roots lie deep in British soil, cultivated by the Fabian Society, that most poisonous of institutions. Founded in 1884 and named for the Roman general Fabius Maximus, who favoured attrition over pitched battle, the Society adopted as its early emblem a telling symbol: a wolf in sheep’s clothing. The imagery was abandoned later, deemed too candid, but the strategy remains. The Fabians understood that socialism would not triumph through revolutionary barricades—at least, not initially. Because most people rejected it, socialism would only triumph through ‘permeation’: the slow, patient infiltration of the institutions, the universities, the civil service, and ultimately, the Labour Party itself. Only by collecting sufficient numbers of useful idiots.

They were, in the words of their own pamphlets, waiting for the right moment to ‘strike hard’. And strike hard they have tried to do with this latest iteration of the Labour Party. The Fabian inheritance is the moral relativism that now saturates our public life: the belief that Western civilisation is irredeemably corrupt, that traditional values are inherently oppressive, and that those who dissent from this orthodoxy are not opponents but enemies—to be silenced, doxed, and, if necessary, destroyed.

The Fabian strategy of permeation has proven devastatingly, if temporarily, effective. Today, the Labour Party is not merely influenced by this mindset; it is consumed by it. While Sir Keir Starmer attempts to project an image of buttoned-up respectability, his party remains a hosting organism for the very forces that cheer the murder of men like Kirk and Deranque. The Fabians of old may have preached gradualism, but their descendants have dispensed with the pretence. They have made common cause with harder, more violent elements, just as the French far left now finds itself entangled with the ‘Young Guard’ and its murderous enforcers.

This is not a new phenomenon. The British left has always harboured a quiet admiration for those willing to get their hands dirty. In the 1930s, while the country watched Sir Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts march, it was often the communists and their fellow travellers who took to the streets to ‘smash’ the meetings of those they deemed fascists. The Communist Party of Great Britain (to most, a joke), alongside a motley collection of Trotskyists, Maoists, and anarchists, urged its supporters to physically break up political rallies. They were small in number, but they were loud, organised, and utterly convinced of their own moral superiority. Sound familiar?

The historian Gerald Anderson’s study of the period, Fascists, Communists, and the National Government, documents how these extremist forces clashed in the streets, with the authorities caught in the middle, struggling to preserve the ancient liberties of speech and assembly. The Battle of Cable Street in 1936 is today commemorated by the left as a glorious victory against fascism. But it was also a day when the rule of law was subordinated to mob rule, when thousands of Londoners were effectively denied the right to hear views they might have wished to hear. The left does not learn the lesson of Cable Street; it venerates it as a template.

The threads of this history run directly to the present. The same moral calculus that deemed Mosley’s marches illegitimate now deems Reform or Restore speeches illegitimate. The same instinct that drove communists to break up meetings in Blackburn and Bradford in the 1970s now drives activists to publish the home addresses of right wing activists and Conservative MPs. And when the atmosphere becomes sufficiently toxic, when the rhetoric of ‘punching Nazis’ (a category that has been stretched to include anyone to the right of Jeremy Corbyn) becomes a commonplace of left-wing discourse, someone eventually picks up a real weapon.

The doxxing is the precursor to the killing. The dehumanisation is the prerequisite for the violence. When you have spent years telling your followers that their political opponents are not merely wrong, but evil; that they are not fellow citizens, but fascists; that they are not Conservatives, but Nazis, you should not feign surprise when a fanatic decides that such vermin must be exterminated. The left has created a moral universe in which the murder of a nationalist student in Lyon or a conservative activist in Utah is not a tragedy, but a logical, if unfortunate, byproduct of the struggle for justice.

And where, in all of this, is the Labour Party? It is silent, or worse, complicit. Its members sit in Parliament while their comrades in the movement dox their constituents. Its leaders issue bland condemnations of “all extremism” while refusing to confront the ideological rot within their own ranks. The Fabian inheritance is a coward’s charter: wait for the moment, strike hard, and ensure you are never holding the weapon when the blow falls.

But the blood is on their hands nonetheless, as the ghost of Quentin Deranque, beaten to death on a French street, joins the ghost of Charlie Kirk—both grim harvests of a doctrine with no room for compromise, no patience for dissent, and no respect for the sacredness of human life; the wolf in sheep’s clothing has finally shed its disguise, and it is time we named it for what it is: terrorism, the politics of hate, and we must round up its cadres, proscribe its entities, and keep every receipt from this period of Labour ‘government’ so that the architects of leftist terror, along with their state sponsors and funders, can be excised from British political life forever.


Niall McPherson is a secondary school teacher and father of five.  

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