BY GEORGE SIMM DCM
Unveiling the Impact of Repealing the 2023 NI Legacy Act: A Catastrophic Blunder
In examining the socialist government’s latest political disaster—its repeal of the 2023 Northern Ireland (NI) Legacy Act, as highlighted in the Policy Exchange paper released yesterday—I initially considered describing this move as foolish or ill-advised. However, such adjectives fall woefully short of capturing the deliberate undermining of the previous government’s attempt to draw a line under the 30-year period of murder and mayhem inflicted on the people of Ulster, primarily by republican terrorists.
The Act sought to bring an end to the incessant legal manipulations facilitated by Northern Ireland’s compromised legal system, which has weaponised the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) through Blair’s 1998 Human Rights Act. This manipulation routinely drags soldiers into what can only be described as kangaroo courts—show trials masquerading under the guise of human rights. With the establishment of yet another ‘independent commission’ under Lord Chief Justice Sir Declan Morgan, this cycle shows no sign of abating. The newly formed Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR) is set to examine offences dating back to 1969.
While no one disputes that crimes must be investigated—murder has no statute of limitations—the implications of this development are troubling. Sir Declan stated:
“We have police powers that can be used where necessary, and we can carry out investigations to support criminal prosecutions. We have the power to refer cases to the relevant prosecutor.”
He added:
“We also have new statutory powers that are far-reaching. We have the right to access all information held by state bodies that we reasonably require for our investigations. This is without redaction, without others telling us something is not relevant, and without obfuscation.”
Yet, one cannot help but anticipate how this will unfold. The investigation of the 3,800 innocent victims murdered predominantly by republican terrorists will, as always, be deemed “too difficult.” That perennial excuse has been the hallmark of every such inquiry to date. Consequently, to justify the extraordinary costs of setting up public or statutory inquiries, these commissions will invariably target the low-hanging fruit: soldiers. This continues despite decades of investigations consistently concluding that soldiers acted lawfully in the conduct of their duties.
The government is well aware of this pattern—and here lies the rub: it also knows precisely who is responsible for the civilian murders. Intelligence agencies have amassed substantial evidence, housed in various repositories, shielded by layers of deception. Those who once managed these archives confirm their contents, yet even acknowledging their existence is a near-impossible task. Good luck trying—you’ll need sandwiches and a flask of tea for the long wait.
Has this mountain of evidence been used to prosecute murderers? No. This is not about the convicted murderers granted amnesty by Blair, who cynically sought to whitewash these atrocities and betray the people of Ulster to burnish his image as a global statesman. The atrocities committed during the Troubles far exceed those addressed by such amnesties.
Instead, this cache of evidence has remained unused against those who escaped justice. Investigating soldiers is deemed more straightforward because their actions were documented—records eagerly surrendered by the government to human rights lawyers. These lawyers exploit these records to concoct tenuous cases, fuelling an endless cycle of court appearances that sustain their lucrative practices. These are not legitimate police investigations but opportunistic efforts by “bottom-feeding” lawyers chasing fees. Meanwhile, the same government that facilitates these pursuits consistently declines to apply similar scrutiny to evidence gathered by intelligence agencies over three decades of insurgency—citing its complexity as an excuse.
What drives this blatantly unfair approach to Northern Ireland’s legacy cases? What motivates these legal minds in power? The answer lies in their ideological devotion to an unyielding human rights agenda. This dogma, embraced by the current Prime Minister and his activist Attorney General, inflicts untold damage on the nation. Their actions embody the fanaticism of a cult, their “human rights religion” dictating policies that undermine rational governance.
The Policy Exchange paper articulates with remarkable clarity the consequences of this act of national self-sabotage. Yet, will its insights penetrate the fervent zealotry of these human rights crusaders? The question demands serious reflection.
We understand the motivations and devastating effects of other forms of extremism, but one must ask: which variant—those driven by religious ideology or these so-called human rights jihadis—has inflicted greater harm on the nation? Until this country awakens to the malign influence of this ideological cult, the damage will persist unabated.
George Simm DCM was Regimental Sergeant Major (RSM) of the 22 Special Air Service (SAS).